What are the two main causes of the french revolution
The doctors, lawyers, teachers, businessmen, writers and philosophers belonged to this class. Retrieved 26 February Social antagonisms between two rising groups:
What was the main cause of the French Revolution? Extracts from this document Middle Ultimately, the queen was a disgrace to her position and ignorant to the struggles and concern of anyone, heightening the people? The above preview is unformatted text.
Found what you're looking for? Search for your essay title To what extent did the actions and policies of Louis XVI cause the outbreak, The French Revolution was directed by the middle class. How valid is this comment Russia revolution The government also tried to stimulate economic development by building more railways and by giving financial subsidies to industry. Russia, the Tsars, the Provisional Govenment and the Revolution. Overpieces of student written work Annotated by experienced teachers Ideas and feedback to improve your own work. Save Sign up now Want to read the rest?
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Causes of the French Revolution
Looking for expert help with your History work? Created by teachers, our study guides highlight the really important stuff you need to know. They had the wealth and social status. But the French Monarch, influenced by the clergies and nobles, ranked them as the Third Estate. So they influenced the people for revolution. They aroused the common people about their rights.
Thus, the common people became rebellious. The lower Clergies and the provincial nobles also joined their hands with the common people along with the bourgeoisie. The economic condition of France formed another cause for the outbreak of the French Revolution. During the reign period of Louis XVI, the royal treasury became empty as extravagant expenses of his queen Marie Antoinette. To get rid of this condition.
Turgot tried to minimise the expenditure of the royal court. He also advised the king to impose taxes on every classes of the society. Then Necker was appointed as the Finance Minister in He published a report on the income and expenditure of the State in order to arouse the people. But he was also dismissed by the king. He adapted the policy of borrowing in order to meet the expenditure of the royal court. Further royal and seigneurial obligations might be paid in several ways: Peasants were also obligated to their landlords for: In good times, the taxes were burdensome; in harsh times, they were devastating.
After a less-than-fulsome harvest, people would starve to death during the winter. Tax collection was farmed out privatized to "fermiers", through a system of public bidding. Often an additional tax, called "paulette" was paid by the holders of an office to upgrade their position to one that could be passed along as an inheritance.
Naturally, holders of these offices tried to reimburse themselves by milking taxpayers as hard as possible. The system also exempted the nobles and the clergy from taxes with the exception of a modest quit-rentan ad valorem tax on land.
The tax burden, therefore, devolved to the peasants, wage-earners, and the professional and business classes, also known as the third estate.
Further, people from less-privileged walks of life were blocked from acquiring even petty positions of power in the regime. This caused further resentment.
Causes of French Revolution: Political, Social and Economic Causes
During the reigns of Louis XV — and Louis XVI —several ministers, most notably Turgot and Neckerproposed revisions to the French tax system so as to include the nobles as taxpayers, but these proposals were not adopted because of resistance from the parlements provincial courts of appeal. Members of these courts bought their positions from the king, as well as the right to transfer their positions hereditarily through payment of an annual fee, the paulette.
Membership in such courts, or appointment to other public positions, often led to elevation to the nobility the so-called Nobles of the Robeas distinguished from the nobility of ancestral military origin, the Nobles of the Sword. While these two categories of nobles were often at odds, they both sought to retain their privileges. Instead, the " Parkinson's law " of bureaucratic overextended waste prevailed, to the detriment of the gentry and other non-seigneurial classes.
In contrast, Charles Alexandre de Calonneappointed finance minister inrestored lavish spending reminiscent of the age of Louis XIV. By the time Calonne brought together the Assembly of Notables on 22 February to address the financial situation, France had reached a state of virtual bankruptcy; no one would lend the king money sufficient to meet the expenses of the royal court and the government.
According to Mignet, the loans amounted to 1.
Police held responsibility over many systems in society, even street sweeping, it also exercised a strict control over food supply. Grain merchants were viewed with suspicion, they were called "the most cruel enemies of the people" because they were suspected to mix flour with other products such as chalk or crushed bones or to hoard grains to raise artificially the prices of this vital commodity.
The police controlled the purity of the flour and made sure that no one would hide grains to drive up prices.
Food scarcity was common in the 18th century, but the grain police would forbid exportations from regions facing bad harvests and would import grain from regions enjoying overproduction. It could also two a merchant to dump the price of his flour he was later compensated for his the in times of abundance. During the Age of Enlightenmentthe physiocrat school of economy emerged. Their opinion on what government economic policy should be was summarized in the term Vincent de Gournay laid claim to: Accordingly, Turgot abolished police regulations and established free trade in grain on 13 September During the period before the spring harvest ofthe cereal reserves were exhausted while new crops had not yet arrived.
In springfamine arose in this new context: With liberalization, owners of grain started to speculate by storing grain. They also tend to buy en masse in areas of good harvests to sell in areas of bad harvests where profits could be what, causing significant price increases and shortages all over and affecting more french more quickly.
Changes to grain and bread supply had serious implications, and was met with disorder. This conflict was known as the Flour War of Reports from those that controlled the flow of grain stated there were problems with the cause harvest which caused shortages and less grain availability. The price of grain main increased, and became hard for are to afford. News of a cause shortage was met with skepticism and frustration rose from higher prices.
They offered what they felt was the " just price " for it. This demonstrated a way in which the people took some power back into their own hands. This practice was known as "taxation populaire", or popular taxation. Thus, there revolution some issues on which all the bourgeoisie might unite against main of the nobility. But such issues, it is now claimed, were relatively unimportant. Proponents of a social explanation of the Revolution have also emphasized the role of the lower classes.
As population increased during the 18th century, peasant landholdings tended to become smaller, the the gap revolution rich and poor grew. Although the general trend after had been one of greater overall prosperity, the 20 the before were a time of economic difficulties. The months leading up to the convening of the Estates-General coincided with the worst subsistence crisis France had suffered in many the a spring drought was followed by a devastating hailstorm that ruined crops in much of the northern half of the country in July Distressed peasants were thus eager to take advantage of a situation in which the privileges of their landlords seemed vulnerable to attack.
Some felt menaced by the development of large-scale manufacturing enterprises; others resented the regulations that, for example, prevented journeymen from setting up their own shops in competition with privileged guild masters. Contemporary historiography has refocused the discussion regarding the causes for the Revolution. Studying the representation of politics, the shape of revolutionary festivals, and the revolutionary cults of sacrifice and heroism, scholars have come to place the transformation of culture at the what of their discussion.
What really mattered was the desanctifying of the monarchy, the new understanding of the self and the public good, and the belief that thinking individuals two seize the state and fundamentally reshape it.
Other historians, by contrast, have are the persistent liabilities that French political culture carried through the Enlightenment, such as the suspicion of dissent and the readiness to rely on force to subvert it. Many government officials, it is true, were finely attuned to public opinion.
Visionary architects, developing a style of Revolutionary Neoclassicismsimilarly received royal commissions for new public works. On balance, however, it is hard to see how the monarchy, even if it had resolved its financial problems, which it was very far from doing, could have extended this ecumenism from art to politics and social life. Thus, the monarchy seemed fated to failure and the stage set for revolution. When he invited his subjects to express their opinions and grievances in preparation for this event—unprecedented in living memory—hundreds responded with pamphlets in which the liberal ideology of gradually began to take shape.
Exactly how the Estates-General should deliberate proved to be the pivotal consciousness-raising issue. Each of the three Estates could vote separately by order as they had in the distant past, or they could vote jointly by head. Because the Third Estate was to have twice as many deputies as the others, only voting by head would assure its preponderant influence. If the estates voted by order, the clergy and nobility would effectively exercise a veto power over important decisions.
While commoners did all the truly laborious and productive work of society, he claimed with some exaggeration, the nobility monopolized its lucrative sinecures and honours.